Table 5. Forest clearance typologies.
| |
| |
|
Trajectory |
Description of land-use change and relative clearance rates
|
Proportion of farms (as %) following this trajectory in
Community: |
|
I† |
II |
III |
| |
|
1 |
Coca cultivated throughout period researched; slow clearance |
0 |
6.3 |
7.7 |
|
2 |
Coca never cultivated, other crops cultivated; fast clearance [illustrated
in Fig. 3] |
57.2 |
0 |
15.4 |
|
3 |
Coca never cultivated, dominated by a rice–pasture rotation; fast clearance
|
14.3 |
31.2 |
0 |
|
4 |
Coca cultivated, then abandoned in favor of substitute crops: slow
clearance replaced by fast clearance [illustrated in Fig. 4] |
21.4 |
0 |
76.9 |
|
5 |
Predominantly ranching, but coca cultivated for part of period researched,
then abandoned in favor of ranching; generally fast clearance |
0 |
62.5 |
0 |
|
6 |
Commerical and subsistence cultivation prior to a period dominated by coca
cultivation, after which coca abandoned in favor of substitute crops;: slow
clearance during the coca period, fast clearance at other times |
7.1 |
0 |
0 |
|
| |
†We suggest
that the low proportion of farmers admitting to growing coca is under-reported
in Community I for two reasons. First, closer proximity to the main military base
for narcotics control (Chimore) than the other two communities
may have increased the farmers’ sensitivity to coca growing—even in the past. Second, the presence our field
assistant may have inhibited farmers because, even though he lives in the city of Cochabamba, he was known to
people in this community through a church exchange.
|